QUESTION1
1.The Court says even racist policy that is state action is okay, as long as the state action does not treat one race worse than another.(choose)
a.Hall v. Decuir (1878)
b.Civil Rights Cases of 1883
c.Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
d.Giles v. Harris (1903)
e.Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
f.Nixon v. Condon (1932)
g.Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
h.Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
i.Smith v. Allwright (1944)
j.Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
k.Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
l.McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
m.Brown v. Board (1954)
n.Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
o.Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
p.Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 2
This case was far-reaching in its logic because it said that even a tiny violation of equal protection by a state is unconstitutional.(CHOOSE)
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 3
The Court refuses to put black voters back on the voting registration rolls.(choose)
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 4
The Court says a state law is unconstitutional because it is acting in interstate commerce, which is a federal policy area.(choose)
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 5
The Court strikes down the Separate but Equal doctrine in public education.(choose)
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 6
The Court says that primary elections are part of general elections, and therefore any racial discrimination by a party in its primary elections is state action in violation of the 15th Amendment, by definition.(choose)
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 7
Even though a vote in a party's primary elections is not a vote for state or federal office, the Court says that a state law that gives a party's executive committee the right to decide on voting restrictions for its own party primary elections is state action in violation of the 15th Amendment.(choose)
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 8
The Court says it does matter if blacks feel that their state government is following a doctrine that says they are inferior, if that feeling harms their education.(choose)
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 9
At the time this case was decided, federal policy was the same as the state law in question. Despite this, the Court struck down the state law in question because it disagreed with what federal policy had been at the time of the incident that sparked the case.(choose)
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 10
The Court says a federal law is unconstitutional because that federal law forbids certain racist actions even though they are not state action.(choose)
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION11
This case was far-reaching in its logic because it said that even a tiny and indirect connection to interstate commerce counted as being involved with interstate commerce, which gave the federal government the right to regulate.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 12
The Court doesn't strike down the Separate but Equal doctrine, but it does say that if a state's segregation policy interferes with a student's ability to study and learn by preventing him from exchanging views with other students, that's a violation of equal protection.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 13
The Court rules that a state's law against segregated transportation is interfering with interstate commerce.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 14
The Court says state laws that separate people by race don't imply a doctrine of black racial inferiority.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 15
The Court doesn't strike down the Separate but Equal doctrine, but it does say that if a state makes people go to school out of state because of their race, that's a violation of equal protection.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 16
The Court says that if you sell stuff that you bought from somebody else in your state, but that person bought the stuff from somebody else outside of your state, you are involved with interstate commerce.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 17
The Court doesn't strike down the Separate but Equal doctrine, but it does say that if a state makes people go to an inferior school because of their race, even a school that's inferior in ways that cannot be measured objectively, that's a violation of equal protection.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 18
The Court says the 14th Amendment only gives the federal Congress the right to forbid racist state action, not racist acts by people like business owners.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 19
The Court says state laws that separate people by race do generally imply a doctrine of black racial inferiority.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 20
The Court says if people are crossing state lines and you won't serve them in your business, then you are affecting interstate commerce and so the federal Congress has the right to regulate you.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 21
There is a federal law against segregation in transportation, hotels, and theaters, but the Court says that federal law violates the rights of business owners.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 22
The Court says that it's okay if a party's own members vote to keep people out of their party because of their race; that's not state action in violation of the 15th Amendment.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 23
Even though a vote in a party's primary elections is not a vote for state or federal office, the Court says that a state law that forbids people to vote in the primary elections of a party because of their race is state action in violation of the 15th Amendment.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 24
The Court says it doesn't matter if blacks feel that their state government is following a doctrine that says they are inferior, as long as the state law doesn't actually say so.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 25
The Court says that states cannot require racial segregation in transportation, whether it be interstate transportation or in-state transportation.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 26
A racist requirement in a property title is not state action, so it doesn't violate the 14th Amendment's Equal Protection Clause. But the Court says that if any court enforces that racist requirement, that is state action in violation of the 14th, because a court is a state actor.
Hall v. Decuir (1878)
Civil Rights Cases of 1883
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)
Giles v. Harris (1903)
Nixon v. Herndon (1927)
Nixon v. Condon (1932)
Grovey v. Townsend (1935)
Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada (1938)
Smith v. Allwright (1944)
Shelley v. Kraemer (1948)
Sweatt v. Painter (1950)
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents (1950)
Brown v. Board (1954)
Bailey v. Patterson (1962)
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964)
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964)
QUESTION 27
According to Rosenberg, the Brown v. Board case was an important driver of the desegregation of schools in the South.
True
False
QUESTION 28
According to Rosenberg, the leaders of the civil rights groups generally felt that trying to fight in the courts was antidemocratic and didn't work anyway.
True
False
QUESTION 29
The most important of the civil rights protests in terms of getting others motivated to take up antiracist action was the...................... ............................ .......................... . The movement to desegregate restaurants by physical occupation was called the...................... -.............................. movement. The movement to desegregate public transportation throughout the South was called the ............................... ....................... The movement to register voters in Mississippi was called.............................. ......................
QUESTION 30
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 got the power to regulate private businesses from Amendment............................ , which is why it covered businesses on state property, and from the ........................ ........................... .................. of the Constitution, which is why it covered businesses that had something to do with blank2 blank3.
QUESTION 31
In 1963-1964, about 9 years after the....................... v.......................... case,....................... percent of black children were going to desegregated schools in the South.
QUESTION 32
Of Piketty's four main categories of "capital", the one that declined the most between 1770 and 1930 was(choose)
Other domestic capital
Housing
Slaves
Agricultural land
QUESTION 33
The category that had the second-biggest decline from 1770 to 1930 was(choose)
Other domestic capital
Housing
Slaves
Agricultural land
QUESTION 34
The category of capital that grew the most from 1770 to 1930 was(choose)
Other domestic capital
Housing
Slaves
Agricultural land
QUESTION 35
By 1930 category of capital (last question) was................ times what it had been in 1810. (Note: that's 1810, not 1770).
QUESTION 36
In 1810, the wealthiest 10% of Americans owned a bit less than.......... percent of US wealth. Their share of US wealth holdings.................... (shrank or grew) from 1810 to 1910. By 1910, the wealthiest 10% of Americans owned a bit more than ............ percent of US wealth. Their share of US wealth holdings..................... (shrank or grew) from 1910 to 1970. By 1970, the wealthiest 10% of Americans owned about ........... percent of US wealth. Their share of US wealth holdings ............. (shrank or grew) from 1970 to 2010. By 2010, the wealthiest 10% of Americans owned a bit more than................ percent of US wealth.
QUESTION 37
Piketty's data shows that European wealth inequality trends from 1810 to 1910, from 1910 to 1970, and from 1970 to 2010 were pretty much the same as US wealth inequality trends, except that(choose)
Europe started out more equal than the US, but then its inequality grew faster than that of the US after 1910, with European inequality passing above that of the US in about 1960, so that by 1970 Europe was more unequal than the US and has stayed more unequal than the US ever since 1970.
Europe started out more unequal than the US, but then its inequality declined faster than that of the US after 1910, with European inequality passing below that of the US in about 1960, so that by 1970 Europe was more equal than the US and has stayed more equal than the US ever since 1970, as both societies have become more unequal since 1970.
Europe started out more equal than the US, and then its inequality declined faster than that of the US after 1910, so that by 1970 Europe was much more equal than the US and has stayed more equal than the US ever since 1970.
Europe started out more unequal than the US, but then its inequality declined faster than that of the US after 1910, passing below that of the US in about 1960, so that by 1970 Europe was more equal than the US and has stayed more equal than the US ever since 1970, as both societies have become more equal since 1970.
QUESTION 38
In 1910, of a high-income person's top dollar of income, the US goverment was taking about ............... cents in federal income tax. During............ (event), the top tax rate............... (fell or rose) so that the federal government was taking a bit more than.............. cents of that dollar by 1920. The tax rate............... (fell or rose) after blank2 to .............. cents on the dollar by 1925, but then, during .......................... (event), it.................. (fell or rose) to its mid-1930s level of a bit more than.......... cents, and then.................... (fell or rose) to its late-1930s level of almost.................. cents. During (event) it (fell or rose) so that its highest point during that event (in 1944-1945) it was about ................cents on the dollar. In most of the 1950s and the first half of the 1960s it was a bit more than.......... cents on the dollar. In the mid-1960s it.................... (fell or rose) from where it had been in the early 1960s. Its level during the mid-1960s and almost all of the 1970s was about................. cents. It ............ (fell or rose) to cents in the mid-1980s, then ................... (fell or rose) to below ............. cents in the late 1980s. It then ............... (fell or rose) to about ................. cents in the mid-1990s, (fell or rose) in the mid-2000s to about .......................cents, and then............... (fell or rose) in 2013 to about....................... cents.
QUESTION 39
The top US inheritance tax rate was ........... prior to World War I. During World War I it was raised to............... percent. It was raised again in the mid-1920s to a high point (for the 1920s) of percent in 1925, before being lowered again to.................... percent in the late 1020s. During the Great Depression it was raised to .................. percent, and then raised again during World War II to a bit more than .................. percent, where it stayed until 1976. They started lowering it in the late 1970s, held it at .....................percent from the mid-1980s to the early 2000s, and then started lowering it until it hit .......................percent in the early 2010s.
QUESTION 40
What we see is that as long as capitalism was in a relatively ................... (distorted or pure) form, with private property rights ................. (violated or respected), inequality grew. This was especially growth in Piketty's category of ...................., which includes factories, railroads, and financial capital. When capitalism was................. (distorted or pure), with private property rights..................... (violated or respected), inequality shrank. The big starting point for the reduction of inequality seems to have been............ .
QUESTION 41
According to Sharon Smith, when........................... was elected in.......... (year), all he promised was a vague "" for the American people, but his........................... (law) of................. (year) established .......................minimum ,...................... maximum and pro- rules, thus encouraging the further growth of blank8, which were already increasing their activity. At first supported his policies due to the severity of the crisis, but by (year), with blank8 actions rising further, blank9 was turning against blank1, thus forcing him to turn to the (for your reference, this is blank11) unions for support. Created by mineworkers union boss John L. Lewis, the blank11 unions had transformed the American labor union movement by recruiting workers, who had moved from the to the and from the to the ; the latter change meant they could not be ignored by the blank8s anymore. (See also handout 92 if you need to.) It was blank1's attempt to buy the support of the blank11 unions in that year (after the blank9 turned against him) that led him and his party to create the , which said the owners of the means of production could not refuse to negotiate with unions. They also created the real birth of the US , especially in the form of the , which created retirement and unemployment funds for workers. They also put people to work directly for the federal government with the . And it worked. With massive support from the blank11 unions, the (year) elections elected a higher percentage of blank1's party to Congress than at any other time in the whole 20th century (See also handout 88 if you need to.)
QUESTION 42
If private property rights are , workers can compete with each other by trying to make themselves more attractive to.................... the owners of the means of production than other workers. They can do this by offering to................. , with................. , for........................ and................. . I call this playing the game of................... . If all workers did this, I argue, it would maximize the ratio of ................. to.................. in everyone's workday, and thus the surplus value they create for the owners of the means of production.
QUESTION 43
Continuing from previous question.... But Marx pointed out that even a state (a government) ruled by the ..............themselves will sometimes pass laws that curb capital's drive toward a............... of by forcibly ........................... The state, he said, does this due to the threat of the.................. and for the same reason that.................. . He said that evidence of the draining of the nation's ................ could be seen in periodic................... and the lowering of the military ...................... standard. This led the state to pass laws blank4. So, for example in 1833 the .................... began blank4 in some industries, appointed inspectors, and by the 1860s had limited the British workweek................ to . Similar legislation in the US, he noted, had limited the length of a child's workday................... to in some states.
QUESTION 44
Please identify which program or law was part of the New Deal, and which was part of the Great Society?choose: blank, new deal, or great society)
................................. Medicaid
................................... Social Security
...................................War on Poverty
................................... Tennessee Valley Authority
..................................Medicare
...................................Agriculture Adjustment Administration
.................................. Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
................................. Elementary and Secondary Education Act
................................. Works Progress Admin./Civilian Conservation Corps
................................. National Industrial Recovery Act
................................. Civil Rights Act
........................................ Federal Housing Administration
....................................... National Labor Relations Act
............................................ Voting Rights Act
QUESTION 45
Which program violated private property rights in which way?
....................violated workers' right to work where they wanted by legalizing union-only workplaces, where unions prevent non-union workers from working, thus also driving wages up and robbing owners of the means of production.
............................................ got government involved in banking.
........................................... many differnt programs designed to help the poor in the forms of education, health, food, etc., funded by government, which of course must come out of taxes of which those with high incomes pay more..
...............................................artificially set prices and production levels, thus violating private property rights so badly that much of it was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in 1935.
got government involved in the home buying market.
.......................................................gave big handouts of federal money to schools, especially in poor areas. (It was the enticement of this federal money that convinced many areas to desegregate their schools, according to Rosenberg.) Of course, this money had to be paid for in taxes levied more heavily on those with high incomes.
..................................... gave unemployed workers jobs, thus depriving owners of the means of production of their right to control workers' ability to acquire the means of living or not.
.................................was government doing jobs normally done by private businesses, like provide electricity.
.............................................. was government distorting agricultural commodity prices.
................................ deprived owners of the means of production of their right to serve or hire whomever they wanted on their private property, by making it a crime to have racist serving or hiring policies in businesses.
....................................... gave unemployed and retired workers money, thus depriving owners of the means of production of their right to control workers' ability to acquire the means of living or not.
........................................... created a health insurance system for the poor, thus depriving owners of the means of production of their right to control workers' ability to acquire health care or not.
..............................created a health insurance system for the elderly, thus depriving owners of the means of production of their right to control workers' ability to acquire health care or not.
..............................................didn't violate private property rights. Gave the federal government the power to investigate and stop states from using voting policies with the effect of racial disenfranchisement.
QUESTION 46
I argue that the main factor that artificially raised American workers' wages and standard of living during the period from 1945 to the 1970s was:(choose)
America had a higher proportion of its workers involved in more artificially profitable military sectors of the economy at that time, thus giving owners of the means of production the luxury of not extracting surplus value at the maximum possible rate.
America had a lower level of mechanization in industry than the other industrialized countries such as Europe, the Soviet Union, and Japan.
American workers didn't have to play "who pleases master best" with workers in "communist" countries or much of the "socialist" Third World; many of those countries had policies that made it difficult or impossible for US owners to move the means of production there.
The US economy was owned mostly by a small number of enormous companies that were achieving higher than normal incomes due to monopoly advantages, and their workers also benefited from these monopoly advantages.
QUESTION 47
(For this question, don't forget that you have to measure the space above the line to figure the percent of US wealth owned by the poorest 90%. The line shows the percentage of wealth owned by the richest 10%, so the space above it is the share of wealth owned by everybody else. You can just turn the graph upside down, read it from right to left, and measure the space, if you like. And remember that this question is about wealth, not income.)
The poorest 90% of the US population owned a bit more than................ percent of US wealth in 1810, a bit less than.................... percent in 1910, a bit less than.................. percent in 1940, a bit more than ................. percent in 1970, and a bit less than ........... percent in 2010. Thus in terms of wealth, the period from 1810 to 1910 was ......................, the period from 1910 to 1940 was very................ , the period from 1940 to 1970 was slightly , and the period from 1970 to 2010 was.................... .
QUESTION 48
Now let's talk about income, not wealth. Just before the stock market crash that started the Great Depression, the highest-income 1% of Americans were getting almost ............ percent of American incom. Their percentage of US income .......................(fell or rose) a huge amount during the Great Depression and World War II, and then held fairly steady around .................. percent during the three-decade period from about 1950 to about 1980, although it ................. (fell or rose) slightly during most of that period. Then, starting around 1980, it.............. (fell or rose) quickly to reach its 2007 level of nearly percent......................, right before the Great Recession.
QUESTION 49
From the end of World War II to the mid-1970s, grew at or above the rate of growth. From the mid-1970s to 2013, has grown far above the rate of growth. Marx would argue that the period that more exemplifies what we should expect to see in a purer, less distorted capitalism is the (earlier period or later period), because, he says, wage levels in undistorted capitalism reflect , not (workers' output or workers' consumption needs). By contrast, he would say, the (earlier period or later period) is one in which owners were not extracting as much surplus value from workers as is normal in a capitalist system.
QUESTION 50
According to Krugman's data, which periods were like what?
....................................................: Great Depression and World War II (1929 to 1947)
........................................................: Postwar Boom (1947 to 1973)
.............................................................: '70s stagnation (1973 to 1980)
..............................................................: Accelerated Gap Growth (1980 to 2004)
QUESTION 51
Which era is characterized by which description, according to the average family income growth chart in handout 81? Some of the descriptions don't describe any of the eras, so you must say so by choosing the last option if that is the case for any of the descriptions.
Descriptions:
.................................................................: All groups shown had income growth, and the poorest had the most growth while the richest had the least growth.
...............................................................: All groups but the poorest had income growth, and the richer had the most growth while the poorer had the least growth.
...........................................................: All groups but the richest had income growth, and the poorest had the most growth while the richest had the least growth.
.............................................................: All groups had income loss.
..........................................................: All groups but the richest had income loss, and the poorer had the most loss while the richer had the least loss.
.......................................................... : All groups but the poorest had income loss, and the poorer had the most loss while the richer had the least loss.
QUESTION 52
(For the first four answers, type a number only, like 345. *Do not* type a ratio, like 345:1.)
-In 1962 a top 1% household had the same wealth as ...................... middle households put together.
-In 1992 a top 1% household had the same wealth as .......................middle households put together.
-In 2007 a top 1% household had the same wealth as....................middle households put together.
-In 2010 a top 1% household had the same wealth as ..........................middle households put together.
Thus we see that the Great Recession was ...........................(type equalizing or unequalizing). The Great Depression had been ........................ (type equalizing or unequalizing).
QUESTION 53
(For this question please give your answers to one decimal place, like 345.6; every point asked about in this question is a point that is *labeled* in the CEO compensation chart.)
-In 1965 it took the compensation of......................... average workers to equal the compensation of the average CEO.
-In 1993 it took the compensation of ......................... average workers to equal the compensation of the average CEO.
-At the highest point shown in 2001, it took the compensation of ..................... average workers to equal the compensation of the average CEO.
QUESTION 54
In the mid-1950s about............... of American workers were members of labor unions. By 2013 about ..................... of American workers were in labor unions, and in 2013 really only about ................ of American workers working for private owners of the means of production were in labor unions, because blank2 includes the government workers who were union members by that time, which was more than ........................... of government workers.
QUESTION 55
Remember, GDP is the total size of the economy. The category of federal spending that has grown (as a percentage of the economy) since 1950 is.................spending (type military, interest, infrastructure, or entitlement). It was .................percent of the size of the economy in 1950, but was ................. percent of the size of the economy in 2014. Another name for blank1 programs is the................ ,...........................even though it includes a lot of programs in addition to the actual blank4 program, TANF.
QUESTION 56
The Party controlled Congress during most of the middle of the 20th century, controlling the House almost all of the time from to (blank3 is that party's last full year of House control during that long period), often by huge majorities. Its biggest House majority was in due to its courtship of one kind of organization that supported it heavily, but it also had a big House majority in , the year after it did the thing that set in motion the changes that eventually caused it to lose its majority. That same party controlled the Senate almost all the time from to , not quite as long. The Party controlled both chambers almost all the time from (its first full year of control of both chambers during this era) to , but its majorities in the House were not as big as those of the other party during its period of heavy dominance.
QUESTION 57
The reason for Party dominance of Congress in the mid-20th century was the , a group of voting blocs that gave that party dominance in Congress. This was the era, when huge federal government violations of were created by that party starting in the Great Depression during 's . The main economic actor behind those violations were the . The first voting bloc in the blank2 I talked about was black voters. In the 1800s blacks had almost all lived in the and voted for the Party until they were disenfranchised there, killing that party there, but by the early 20th century many blacks started moving to get in the .
QUESTION 58
percent or more of black voters have voted Democratic in presidential elections ever since the New Deal. World War II continued these trends in several ways, with the non-white wage going from percent of the white wage before World War II to percent of the white wage after World War II in 1952. The numbers of black farmers also declined a lot during the war, from in 1940 to in 1960. Blacks became an important electoral bloc during this time. Of the blacks who moved North between 1910 and 1960, percent moved to the seven heavily industrialized states that together had percent of all presidential electors, and it was widely recognized by the parties that it was black voters who gave the presidency to the Democratic presidential candidate, (last name) in (year); the parties realized they needed to attract black voters and by 1956 both parties were courting black voters hard as the percentage of black voters voting Democratic for president fell to percent for that year as the Republican Party had some success in winning back some black voter support.
QUESTION 59
Whites in the were organized differently by the very different Southern and Northern wings of the Party. The Northern blank2 Party was organized largely around the same that were now organizing black workers in huge numbers, and included many children of from . The Southern blank2 Party was a continuation of the old Southern blank2 party from the late 1800s that had killed the Party there, and its leaders were proudly . They were also less in favor of than the Northern wing of the party.
QUESTION 60
Things started to change with the Act, the most important antiracist law, in (year). From that time to the present, black voters have always voted at least percent Democratic in presidential elections. The loyalty of Southern whites to the Democratic Party also began to decline after that time, with the Republican presidential candidate winning Deep South states in that election, due to a huge shift in Southern white presidential voting. In the next presidential election in (year), the Democrats lost all the Southern states but for the same reason and lost the presidency. But it took many decades longer for most Southern white voters to switch to voting Republican for ; that trend finally reached fruition in (type the year he became Speaker, not year of the election), when the House was led by a Southern white Republican Speaker, Speaker (last name), for the first time.
QUESTION 61
Identify the Court's Buckley ruling on this FECA rule: Limit on how much money people who are not candidates (and are not coordinating with a candidate) can spend to make campaign ads about each candidate.(choose)
The Court struck this rule down as unconstitutional in Buckley.
The Court in Buckley said this rule was not unconstitutional and let it continue in force.
QUESTION 62
Identify the Court's argument in Buckley about this FECA rule: Limit on how much money people who are not candidates (and are not coordinating with a candidate) can spend to make campaign ads about each candidate.(choose)
The First Amendment implies that government cannot be the one to decide how much campaign spending is too much. That's up to the people.
To enforce this rule without chilling political speech, we would have to define a campaign ad as something that uses certain words, but then people could just go make ads that don't use those words (with unlimited money), which means the rule wouldn't be stopping corruption or the appearance of corruption, which we have decided is the only reason you can regulate political speech.
This rule does interfere with rights of political association, but that is okay if the government has a good enough reason, and preventing corruption or the appearance of corruption is a good enough reason.
This rule doesn't interfere with rights of free speech or political association.
This rule limits a type of behavior, but that type of behavior does not cause corruption anyway. In fact, that type of behavior reduces the risk of corruption by making the candidate less dependent on givers.
QUESTION 63
Identify the Court's Buckley ruling on this FECA rule: Limit on how much money each PAC can give to each candidate.(choose)
The Court struck this rule down as unconstitutional in Buckley.
The Court in Buckley said this rule was not unconstitutional and let it continue in force.
QUESTION 64
Identify the Court's argument in Buckley about this FECA rule: Limit on how much money each PAC can give to each candidate.(choose)
The First Amendment implies that government cannot be the one to decide how much campaign spending is too much. That's up to the people.
To enforce this rule without chilling political speech, we would have to define a campaign ad as something that uses certain words, but then people could just go make ads that don't use those words (with unlimited money), which means the rule wouldn't be stopping corruption or the appearance of corruption, which we have decided is the only reason you can regulate political speech.
This rule does interfere with rights of political association, but that is okay if the government has a good enough reason, and preventing corruption or the appearance of corruption is a good enough reason.
This rule doesn't interfere with rights of free speech or political association.
This rule limits a type of behavior, but that type of behavior does not cause corruption anyway. In fact, that type of behavior reduces the risk of corruption by making the candidate less dependent on givers.
QUESTION 65
Identify the Court's Buckley ruling on this FECA rule: Limit on how much money each individual can give to each federal candidate, and aggregate limits on total giving to all candidates by one individual.(choose)
The Court struck this rule down as unconstitutional in Buckley.
The Court in Buckley said this rule was not unconstitutional and let it continue in force.
QUESTION 66
Identify the Court's argument in Buckley about this FECA rule: Limit on how much money each individual can give to each federal candidate, and aggregate limits on total giving to all candidates by one individual.(choose)
The First Amendment implies that government cannot be the one to decide how much campaign spending is too much. That's up to the people.
To enforce this rule without chilling political speech, we would have to define a campaign ad as something that uses certain words, but then people could just go make ads that don't use those words (with unlimited money), which means the rule wouldn't be stopping corruption or the appearance of corruption, which we have decided is the only reason you can regulate political speech.
This rule does interfere with rights of political association, but that is okay if the government has a good enough reason, and preventing corruption or the appearance of corruption is a good enough reason.
This rule doesn't interfere with rights of free speech or political association.This rule limits a type of behavior, but that type of behavior does not cause corruption anyway. In fact, that type of behavior reduces the risk of corruption by making the candidate less dependent on givers.
QUESTION 67
Identify the Court's Buckley ruling on this FECA rule: Limits on how much of her own family's money a candidate can spend on election campaigning.(choose)
The Court struck this rule down as unconstitutional in Buckley.
The Court in Buckley said this rule was not unconstitutional and let it continue in force.
QUESTION 68
Identify the Court's argument in Buckley about this FECA rule: Limits on how much of her own family's money a candidate can spend on election campaigning.(choose)
The First Amendment implies that government cannot be the one to decide how much campaign spending is too much. That's up to the people.
To enforce this rule without chilling political speech, we would have to define a campaign ad as something that uses certain words, but then people could just go make ads that don't use those words (with unlimited money), which means the rule wouldn't be stopping corruption or the appearance of corruption, which we have decided is the only reason you can regulate political speech.
This rule does interfere with rights of political association, but that is okay if the government has a good enough reason, and preventing corruption or the appearance of corruption is a good enough reason.
This rule doesn't interfere with rights of free speech or political association.
This rule limits a type of behavior, but that type of behavior does not cause corruption anyway. In fact, that type of behavior reduces the risk of corruption by making the candidate less dependent on givers.
QUESTION 69
Identify the Court's Buckley ruling on this FECA rule: Limits on how much total money a party or candidate can spend on election campaigning.(choose)
The Court struck this rule down as unconstitutional in Buckley.
The Court in Buckley said this rule was not unconstitutional and let it continue in force.
QUESTION 70
Identify the Court's argument in Buckley about this FECA rule: Limits on how much total money a party or candidate can spend on election campaigning.(choose)
The First Amendment implies that government cannot be the one to decide how much campaign spending is too much. That's up to the people.
To enforce this rule without chilling political speech, we would have to define a campaign ad as something that uses certain words, but then people could just go make ads that don't use those words (with unlimited money), which means the rule wouldn't be stopping corruption or the appearance of corruption, which we have decided is the only reason you can regulate political speech.
This rule does interfere with rights of political association, but that is okay if the government has a good enough reason, and preventing corruption or the appearance of corruption is a good enough reason.
This rule doesn't interfere with rights of free speech or political association.
This rule limits a type of behavior, but that type of behavior does not cause corruption anyway. In fact, that type of behavior reduces the risk of corruption by making the candidate less dependent on givers.
QUESTION 71
During the quarter-century after Buckley, under FECA rules as modified by Buckley, campaign spending grew enormously, mostly due to choose)
a. People breaking the FECA giving limit rules by giving larger-than-limit gifts to the federal candidates to use in making campaign ads that tell people to vote for them.
b. People giving more than the FECA hard-money giving limits without breaking the rules, by giving the money to the parties, which can then spend other money to make ads for the candidate and inform the candidate who gave the money.
c. The giving of money to make ads that didn't count as campaign ads because they didn't use certain "magic words" like "vote for."
d. The creation of special "Super PACs" that millions on a candidate, but did so without giving the money to the candidate or coordinating with the candidate.
a. and b.
a. and c.
a. and d.
b. and c.
b. and d.
c. and d.
QUESTION 72
By the year 2000, near the end of the FECA era, less than 40% of the money spent by the parties was being given in chunks bigger than the FECA hard-money giving limits.(choose)
True
False
QUESTION 73
The biggest givers gave to only one party, not both, thus providing strong evidence that they were trying to get certain people elected rather than trying to buy influence over lawmaking.(choose)
True
False
QUESTION 74
Lobbyists, CEOs and wealthy people never admitted they were trying to buy influence over federal officials, but did so anyway.(choose)
True
False
QUESTION 75
Elected officials admitted that money does buy influence over elected officials.
True
False
QUESTION 76
Parties kept records of who gave how much money with respect to each candidate.
True
False
QUESTION 77
The parties openly sold access to elected officials by establishing menus for access. There were like special giver's clubs set up by the parites where givers who gave the biggest money were entitled to spend the most time with the elected officials at special retreats and the like.
True
False
QUESTION 78
Elected officials said the big-money givers were not using the access they bought to ask the elected officials to introduce, amend, block or vote on bills how they wanted, but instead were making more veiled suggestions for what they wanted lawmakers to do.
True
False
QUESTION 79
There was hard evidence that some big givers got the lawmaking they wanted. The parties actually bragged about this, in hopes of getting more money.
True
False
QUESTION 80
(Note: Please use the Court's exact words, and do not type the apostrophe or the s. I have typed those for you.)
In Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, the Supreme Court introduced a new reason for regulating campaign finance. It said that government could burden political expression to reduce "the threat that , which ... have little or no to the 's support for the 's political ideas, will be used to election outcomes." It said that government had the right to regulate political speech "to eliminate the caused by spending" This is known as the "antiBlank9 rationale."
QUESTION 81
Prior to the Austin case, it had been considered unconstitutional for government to put limits on , which are campaign spending by people who are not the candidate and are not " with" the candidate. Prior to Austin, limits on blank1 blank2 had been considered unconstitutional because of the (type the first word of the name of a court case) ruling. But the Austin ruling made it constitutional to regulate blank1 blank2 by , because, said the Court, their huge gave them the ability to "" the political arena.
QUESTION 82
please identify which items BCRA did or did not do:
..................................... Made a rule that corporations and unions could not pay for electioneering communications with hard money.
................................. Doubled the individual hard money giving limits and let them grow with inflation so as to make it easier to use hard money.
............................Created and defined the term "electioneering communication."
................................Defined a campaign ad as something that used one of the words in a list.
....................................... Banned hard money completely by making a series of rules that eliminated all the ways it could be used.
.................................... Cut the hard money giving limits in half so as to make it more difficult to use hard money.
.............................. Made a rule that corporations and unions could pay for electioneering communications only with hard money.
..................................... Banned soft money completely by making a series of rules that eliminated all the ways it could be used.
....................................... Created and defined the term "express advocacy."
................................ Found a way to define a campaign ad without using a list of words that ad-makers could simply avoid.
.................................. Defined a campaign ad as something that could not be interpreted as anything other than an attempt to get somebody to vote for or against a candidate. Anything else was not a campaign ad.
............................. Made a rule that made it impossible for people to make ads that didn't count as campaign ads because they didn't use certain words, but really were campaign ads.
QUESTION 83
.........................................Here are some definitions. Plese pick the right term for each definition. You will use each term exactly once:
.................................... Chunks of money that have per-candidate limits.
........................................ Ads that don't use any of the words in the list of "magic words" from the footnote in Buckley, such as "vote for" or "vote against."
................................................ Chunks of money given in larger than the per-candidate limits, given to the parties.
................................................. Any broadcast that runs right before an election and mentions a candidate.
................................................... Chunks of money larger than the per-candidate limits, not given to the parties. Today much of independent expenditure is this kind of money.
................................................. Ads that use words in the list of "magic words" from the footnote in Buckley, such as "vote for" or "vote against."
......................................................... Chunks of non-hard money given to groups that do not have to report who gave them the money, to make independent expenditure ads for candidates.
.....................................................Spending by someone who is not a candidate and is not coordinating with a candidate.
....................................................... This kind of group's main purpose is to spend non-hard money to make independent expenditure ads for candidates.
.....................................................This kind of group's main purpose is to give hard money to candidates.
QUESTION 84
Which law and ruling governed which elections?
2002: ...........................................
2004: .............................................
2006:.............................................
2008: ...........................................
2010: ...........................................
2012: .................................................
2014: .............................................
QUESTION 85
Identify which Supreme Court ruling said what:
............................................... Said that a group had the right to make ads that really were campaign ads even though it used non-hard corporate money.
..................................................Said that BCRA had no right to ban corporate non-hard independent expenditures even for things that really were campaign ads.
........................................................ Said that BCRA's ban on corporate non-hard money for electioneering communications was okay, was not unconstitutional, even though it regulated independent expenditures.
....................................................... Kept the hard money limit for giving by one individual to one candidate, but removed the aggregate hard-money giving limit, thus making it legal for an individual to give as much hard money as you like to all candidates put together, as long as you stick to the per-candidate giving limit.
....................................................Said that a major part of the McConnell ruling was misjudged and wiped it out.
....................................................... Said that the First Amendment forbids government from making laws to level the playing field or equalize opportunities in election campaigns.
............................................................ Said that it was okay to regulate electioneering communications even if they were independent expenditures, as long as they were the functional equivalent of express advocacy.
.......................................................... Said that the vast majority of ads that ran right before elections were the functional equivalent of express advocacy, so it was okay to regulate them.
..............................................Said that BCRA's ban on corporate non-hard money spending for electioneering communications was not okay, was unconstitutional, for some independent expenditure ads.
.................................................Said that BCRA's regulations of campaign spending were okay, not unconstitutional.
...............................................Said that the First Amendment doesn't care if corporate money (and thus corporations' huge ability to make ads) is correlated with public support for its ideas.
................................................ Gave birth to Super PACs.
..................................................... Said that even if the ad-makers do get influence over the candidates, that doesn't mean the candidates are corrupt.
......................................................... Implied that BCRA had a right to ban corporate non-hard independent expenditures for things that really were campaign ads, but not for things that really weren't campaign ads.
........................................................Made it legal to spend unlimited amounts of non-hard money on independent expenditures.
................................................... Said that it's not okay to discriminate against ad-makers by violating their right to free political speech simply because they happen to be corporations.
...................................................................Said that independent expenditures don't cause corruption.
............................................................ Said that a group had the right to make ads using non-hard corporate money because that group's ads were really trying to get people to advocate about a political issue, not to get people to vote for or against somebody, despite the fact that that group's ads did mention a candidate.
........................................... Defined a campaign ad as something that could not be interpreted as anything other than an attempt to get somebody to vote for or against a candidate. Anything else was not a campaign ad.
.............................................Said that BCRA's ban on corporate non-hard money spending for electioneering communications was not okay, was unconstitutional, for all independent expenditure ads.
....................................................... Said that the Austin ruling was misjudged and wiped it out.
................................................... Said that the American people won't lose faith in US democracy even if ad-makers do get infuence over elected officials.
......................................................... Used the Austin rationale to justify regulating political speech.
............................................................. Said it was okay to discriminate against corporations by interfering with their right to political speech because they had so much money.
.............................................. Didn't say it was unconstitutional to discriminate against corporations, but did imply that it was only okay to do so when they were trying to get people to vote for or against somebody, not when they were making ads for other purposes, even if those ads ran right before an election.
QUESTION 86
When the current elected official is not running again for this position, both candidates are called ...................... candidates.
When the current elected official is running again for this position, she is the ...........................
The person who runs against the blank2 is called the........................... .
QUESTION 87
Since 1964, if incumbents run, their reelection rate has always been above...................... percent in the House, and usually above percent. Even in the Senate their reelection rate has been at least ..................percent in all elections but one since 1982.
QUESTION 88
The generally give almost all of their PAC money to incumbents. The give about a quarter to a third of their PAC money to challengers and open-seat candidates. The sometimes give almost half of their PAC money to challengers and open-seat candidates. I argue that, given the incumbent reelection rate, this indicates that the blank1 are more interested in than in .
QUESTION 89
Since 1948, the party that wins the presidential popular vote (type increases or decreases) its number of seats in the House by an average of (type a number to one decimal place) seats in that same election year.
Since 1948, the party that wins the presidential popular vote (type increases or decreases) its number of seats in the Senate by an average of (type a number to one decimal place) seats in that same election year.
This is called the effect.
Since 1946, the party that holds the presidency during an election year when there is no presidential election (type increases or decreases) its number of seats in the House by an average of (type a number to one decimal place) seats in that same election year.
Since 1946, the party that holds the presidency during an election year when there is no presidential election (type increases or decreases) its number of seats in the House by an average of (type a number to one decimal place) seats in that same election year.
This is called the effect.
QUESTION 90
More people turn out to vote in election years than in election years, which means that the group of voters is different for the Congress in the two different types of elections. Because (younger or older) and (poorer or richer) people are more likely to turn out to vote, they tend to make up a higher percentage of the voting population in blank2 election years, when their counterparts are less likely to vote. If these variables are also correlated with vote choice, then this can cause one party or the other to do better at elections. Because these blank3 and blank4 groups are more likely than their counterparts to vote for the Party in recent years, in recent years the blank5 Party generally does better in election years and does worse in election years, at least very recently.
QUESTION 91
(Please remember not to type percent signs! Type all numbers as numbers, not words.)
In very recent years the correlation between race group and party vote has become very strong. In the 2008 presidential election, % of black voters, % of Hispanic voters, % of Asian voters, and % of voters of other racial groups voted for the Democratic presidential candidate (Obama), whereas only % of white voters did. In 2012, the correlation between race and party support got even stronger: % of black voters, % of Hispanic voters, % of Asian voters, and % of voters of other racial groups voted for the Democrat (Obama), whereas only % of white voters did.
QUESTION 92
Every years according to the Constitution, the US census must find out how many people live where. After this, the number of districts in each state can change, and the districts can be redrawn to the advantage of whichever party controls the state in a state, so that the other party must voters. The last redistricting was done in (year) and was to the advantage of the Party. It has been estimated that due to this the Party would actually have to win about 55 percent of the voters to take the majority in the House these days, at least until after the next census in (year). In 2012 the Party had more voters voting for its candidates for the House, but the Party won more seats in the House because of this dynamic.